What a destiny! Behold this young man, who has been received in my office in October 1980 with his partner Segolene Royal, and offered his services to further the campaign of Francois Mitterrand, in any position, becomes President of the Republic.

His arrival at the time, in the prevailing circumstances, was very revealing of his nature today. Eager to make himself useful, neither obsequious, nor distant, not opportunistic at all: no top-level young graduate from the Ecole Nationale d’administration came and joined the depleted ranks of supports of the first secretary of the Socialist Party at the time; he had indeed offered his services to an unlikely candidate, defeated twice before in the presidential election, who was a minister 35 years earlier, at a time when all the opinion polls indicated the outgoing President as the winner, and where all the analysts took it for granted that his challenger would be the socialist Michel Rocard, media and technocrats darling (strange parallel with the situation today).

And to say that, when I involved him in this venture, I would have predicted this victory today would not be truthful. In particular, he seemed too inclined in self-deprecating to engage his life in this long quest. Yet I immediately noticed his intelligence, his competence, his kindness, his humor, his distance with respect to himself. Our conversations were immediately based on competitions of self-mockery, which neither he nor I were fooled. He was an excellent collaborator of the candidate, then, after his election, one of the best collaborators of the President, when he accepted my proposal and followed me to the Elysee. Amazing young man, whose capability, calmness, refusal to participate in intrigues, transparency, already contrasted with the schemes of advisers and ministers. And then, what intrigued and touched me probably the most, was his great curiosity, infinite willingness to learn, cheerful amazement, exhilarating, at what life could bring if you had bothered to go and look for it, a curiosity about people so strong that it could replace any time, even that of travel: for him, entering the inner world of others was worth all the tourist expeditions.

He was involved, from May 1981 in the preparation of nationalizations, fiscal reforms, monitoring of economic conditions, union negotiations. He was associated with the preparation of major international economic summits while following with passion Correze life, from which he brought back the « noise », on Monday morning, in our offices.

This puzzled the then President of the Republic. François Mitterrand, to whom I communicated Francois Hollande’s notes, quickly noticed them, so much so that, great honor, from a President who never received any collaborator, he called him into his office to chat with him. He found again there, quite otherwise, his own passion for strong local roots, and the obligations inherent in the concept of democracy: spending every Saturday and Sunday away from home, trying to convince, and run for office.

I gradually discovered that this kindness was not naivety: this young man was very firm, with a very high consistency of thought, a very clear thinker. An astonishing and tranquil tenacity. Soothed and soothing. I also discovered that his self-deprecating was not shyness, but a real desire to protect himself from the excess of hubris which is an inherent part of public action.

It has been a pleasure working with him. Serious in our work, but without taking ourselves too seriously. Gradually, I witnessed in him the growth of a clear political thought: social justice and European integration. The two have never left him. And today, they are more relevant than ever.

1. Social justice, unquantifiable reality, the result of a perception, is now at its lowest. And it has been in fact, rightly so, for thirty years, his main ambition. He still has to learn to appreciate the true value of entrepreneurs and the requirements of competitiveness: creating a business, defend its competitiveness, even if this allows to become rich, deserves to be encouraged. It must be concluded that, contrary to his assertions today, created wealth should be taxed less than transmitted wealth, entrepreneurs less than private incomes. It is therefore clear, that it is fairer to tax wealth, inheritance, transmitted wealth, rather than incomes.

2. As for Europe, it has now also become the main issue of French public life. This election first confirms a theorem: no one shall be elected President of the Republic if he is not a convinced pro-European. It was because he was seen as pro-European that Nicolas Sarkozy was elected in 2007; it is because he has distanced himself from the European project that he was defeated. And the main challenge of this mandate will be precisely the survival of the European Union: it is, more than ever, threatening to crumble, because the euro cannot resist without leaning on an EU budget investment. And it is the Union, and it alone, which will provide financial room for maneuver, with Eurobonds to finance growth, and hence employment, social transfers and public investment. The solution of all the other challenges is dependent upon the above: immigration can only be managed at best by joint action, by strengthening the European agency in charge, whose name has not even been mentioned in the campaign, Frontex. Foreign policy will be much stronger if it is coordinated. Defense will be stronger if it was European. Social justice itself will only be really possible but in the European context.

Francois Hollande is ideally positioned to succeed here. To the School of Francois Mitterrand, he learned that nothing is more important than social justice and Europe. But if he must choose between the two objectives, he should focus on Europe, so that it provides itself with the resources to achieve social justice. He also learned that if the most difficult reforms are not undertaken immediately, they never are. And that, to be reelected at the end of his first term, he must take urgently the most unpopular decisions.

He still has to learn to lead alone: all ​​his political life led him to seek compromises with his friends, his allies, to get the best consensus. He has been alone only since being a candidate for the primary. And the President of the Republic is absolutely alone. And he must decide, without necessarily seeking compromises: nothing is more dangerous for a country than a President who would delay. Nothing could be more dangerous for France than a President who would not have the courage to cut public spending, massively, to the detriment not only of the very rich, but also, because it will be inevitable, of the middle classes.

The proof of his mandate will be found in the coherence between the requirement of the reduction of public debt, social justice and Europe. If he fails, in 2017, the euro will no longer exist and our standard of living will fall by one third. If he succeeds (and I think he can), France, in five years, will have been at the forefront of creating a federal Europe, which no one nevertheless dared to speak about during this campaign. This would not be the first time that Francois Hollande would surprise us.